Commentary: Just cause exists for action against Iraq
2/20/2003 News media contact: Tim Tanton · (615) 742-5470 · Nashville, Tenn. NOTE: A photograph of the Rev. Donald Sensing is available. A UMNS Commentary By the Rev. Donald Sensing*
By the Rev. Donald Sensing*
Methodists are rightly concerned about the Iraq problem, but
so far our denomination has shed more heat than light on the issue. The
United Methodist Church is neither officially nor historically
pacifist. Our Social Principles denounce war, but acknowledge that when
peaceful alternatives fail, armed force may be necessary.
We all
wish for a world where force would never be needed. We all hope for it.
But serious reasoning, not wishful thinking, is our duty in these
perilous times. Wishes are not plans, and hope is not a method.
Sojourners
magazine editor Jim Wallis wrote this month, "For nonviolence to be
credible, it must answer the questions that violence purports to answer,
but in a better way. I oppose a widening war that bombs more people and
countries, recruiting even more terrorists and fueling an unending
cycle of violence. But those who oppose bombing must have an
alternative."
Simply using religious language and claiming divine
authority is not offering a credible alternative. Just saying "Jesus"
and "love" and "peace" is not a plan. The Bush administration's claims
about Saddam's rule of terror and the threat his regime poses to world
peace deserve our sober consideration of what they are and our
understanding of what they mean.
Many details are not pleasant.
They are often technical. "Connecting the dots" is often frustrating.
Interdisciplinary expertise and strategic vision - not just theological
education - are required by religious leaders now. If we wish our voices
to be heeded, they must be worth listening to.
Saddam's regime
threatens American lives and the peace of the entire Middle East. The
Bush administration and the U.N. inspectors have provided conclusive
proof of Iraq's programs to develop mass-destructive weapons and its
extensive efforts to conceal them - efforts that continue to this day.
There is solid evidence of Iraq's links to transnational terrorists.
Saddam's regime is brutally repressive of its own people.
Whether
the status quo with Iraq constitutes a cause for war should be debated.
That the status quo should continue cannot be faithfully maintained.
The question is not whether Saddam's regime must be ended and the Iraqi
people freed; the question is only how. We pray that open war may yet be
avoided. But to fail to act effectively to accomplish the just end is
to make oneself an accomplice of injustice and ally oneself with
murderous oppression.
The United Methodist Church's Council of
Bishops has twice commended President Bush for his diplomacy. He has
worked with the Congress, the United Nations, NATO and the European
Union to resolve this crisis. There has been no "rush to war."
Iraq
has defied 17 U.N. resolutions over 12 years. In 1998, President
Clinton withdrew the UN weapons inspectors so he could bomb Iraq.
President Bush insisted they return to confirm that Iraq has disarmed as
the United Nations requires.
Therefore, last November the U.N.
Security Council voted unanimously that Iraq should be given a "final
opportunity to comply with its disarmament obligations under (existing)
relevant resolutions of the council." Note: The United Nations placed
the burden of proof and the onus of compliance on Iraq, not on the
inspectors or the United States.
Gary Milhollin, director of the
Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control, wrote: "Inspections can only
do one thing well: verify that a country's declarations about a weapons
program are honest and complete. For inspectors to do their job, they
have to have the truth, which can only come from the Iraqis." Yet every
report to the United Nations by the inspectors details more lies and
deceit from Saddam's regime.
U.N. Chief Weapons Inspector Hans
Blix said he does not need more inspectors and does not want them, nor
is there insufficient time for inspections. The problem, he said, is
that Iraq is not cooperating and is not complying with the United
Nations' ultimatum.
Every nation in the world, except Iraq,
agrees that Iraq must disarm. The desired outcome of the crisis is not
in question. The only question now is that of means: how shall Iraq be
disarmed? If Iraq does comply, fully and quickly, open war will be
avoided, but if not, the last peaceful means to resolve the crisis will
have been exhausted.
If military action against Iraq comes, it
will be neither pre-emptive nor unilateral. America has been legally and
actually at war with Iraq since 1991 with varying intensity. President
Clinton struck Iraq repeatedly, claiming 1991's resolution authorizing
force never expired. America has the announced support of 35 nations (19
European) against Iraq if such action comes.
A key fact is being
overlooked in today's debate. The choice is not really between peace
and war. We have not been at peace with Iraq since 1991, and Saddam
wages war upon his own people every day. The issue is not beginning a
war, but how long the present war will continue. Absent Iraqi
compliance, the choice is between brief, controlled warfare imminently
or the continued suffering of the Iraqi people, the continued absence of
peace and almost certainly a truly terrible war later.
President
Kennedy's words during the Cuban missile crisis still apply: "We no
longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons
represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security... The 1930s
taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked
and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. ... Our policy has been one
of patience and restraint, but now further action is required. ... The
greatest danger of all would be to do nothing."
Sadly, Saddam's
cruelties toward Iraqis are barely noticed by religious leaders. Iraqi
exile Rania Kashi wrote, "Saddam has murdered more than a million Iraqis
over the past 30 years. Are you willing to allow him to kill another
million Iraqis? Out of a population of 20 million, 4 million Iraqis have
been forced to flee their country during Saddam's reign. Are you
willing to ignore the real and present danger that caused so many people
to leave their homes and families?" So far, our denomination is
answering, "Yes."
Reasoning about war, wrote Catholic theologian
George Weigel, is not to "set a series of hurdles that statesmen must
overcome before the resort to armed force is given moral sanction." The
first consideration is "the moral obligation of government to pursue
national security and world order."
Just cause exists for
decisive action against Iraq, exhaustively documented in the public
record. Just intention has been stated by the administration: halting
Iraq's weapons programs, creating conditions for Iraqi democracy,
freeing the Iraqi people from Saddam's murderous regime.
There
have been many strident, uninformed people claiming that war with Iraq
will kill hundreds of thousands of Iraqis. One man told me recently, and
incorrectly, that we will "flatten Baghdad." War is violent, let no one
doubt. But at no time in history has the just-war tenet of
discrimination and proportionality been more achievable than it is today
by American forces. If war comes, our forces will strive to end the
issue quickly, with minimum death and destruction, abiding by
international conventions and the U.S. Law of Land Warfare.
Liberation
theologian James Cone wrote that in opposing oppression, the choice for
Christians is not between violence and nonviolence because violence is
already present. Christians must decide whether violence to overcome the
oppression is a greater evil than the violence of the oppression
itself.
"Of course it would be ideal if an invasion could be
undertaken ... by the Nelson Mandela International Peace Force," wrote
Ms. Kashi. "That such a force does not exist - cannot exist - in today's
world is a failing of the very people who do not want America to invade
Iraq, yet are willing to let thousands of Iraqis die in order to gain
the higher moral ground."
Shall we fret over our personal piety while Saddam murders his own people?
I
believe that America may justifiably use force to resolve the crisis.
Let everyone decide this question prayerfully, trusting as theologian
Dietrich Bonhoeffer did that grace will ultimately abound. And let us
agree to be united in desiring God's will to inform the decisions and
actions of every national leader. Let us pray for God's wisdom to
prevail and God's justice to be obtained. Let us give thanks that God is
one who, in times and places he chooses, can indeed break the bow and
shatter the spear asunder (Psalm 46).
# # #
*Sensing is pastor of Trinity United Methodist Church in Franklin, Tenn. He also is a retired Army artillery officer.
Commentaries
provided by United Methodist News Service do not necessarily represent
the opinions or policies of UMNS or the United Methodist Church.
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